In the present survey, the lingual landscape will be established as a field of sociolinguistic enquiry. The focal point will be on one facet of urban linguistic communication contact on written medium: the linguistic communication of Tunisian store marks. This paper will besides analyze the consequence of such pattern on immature Tunisian people. The wide aim is to look into the current position of English in relation and in contrast with Gallic and Tunisian Arabic.
Many surveies have been conducted to look into the usage of foreign linguistic communications on private store marks and shows ( Dimova, 2007 ; Hasnova, 2010 ; McArthur, 2000 ; Stewart and Fawcett, 2004 ; Schlick, 2002 ) . McArthur ( 2000 ) examined this sociolinguistic pattern in Sweden and Switzerland, Stewart and Fawcett ( 2004 ) in northern Portugal, McGregor ( 2003 ) in Japan. Common sociolinguistic forms are observed. This evidences the of import consequence of globalisation on ocular facet of trade.
Scholars interested in LL show differences in positions. Some of them choose to compare the findings between metropoliss belonging to the same state ; while others limit their probe to the store marks that exist in a individual metropolis. The comparing between metropoliss will be so drawn in forthcoming surveies. There are besides bookmans like Schlick ( 2000 ) and McGregor ( 2003 ) who confine their studies to analyze the grade of the usage of foreign footings on store marks. Others like Dimova ( 2007 ) further explore whether there is a correlativity between the linguistic communications used and types of store.
The lingual landscape is portion of our mundane experience and its importance as a societal pattern has been overlooked by sociolinguists. The survey of LL enlightens the lingual state of affairs prevailing in a peculiar country. Torkington ( 2009 ) maintains that “ through an scrutiny of these patterns that symbolic power dealingss may be revealed ” ( Torkington, 2009:123 ) . This survey will so utilize LL as a platform for sociolinguistic survey. Expected immature readers will be given voice through a questionnaire researching their attitudes towards the linguistic communications used on store marks in general, and English linguistic communication in peculiar.
The metropolis is by and large known as a topographic point of linguistic communication contact. Tunis centre signifiers so a perfect field of probe. Not merely is it a topographic point for talk but besides a topographic point where written signifiers do be. From an academic position, composing is of equal importance to the spoken manner. Public written marks provide utile contextual information refering to the investigated environment. They would assist the research worker to decrypt the multilingual state of affairs. So, the analysis of the cityscape or one component thereof would supply “ a alone position on the coexistence and competition of different linguistic communications and their books, and how they interact and interfere with each other in a given topographic point ” ( Backhaus, 2007:145 ) .
Language attitude among expected immature readers will be taken into consideration. It will be investigated to cognize whether ocular interfaces influence linguistic communication beliefs of these people. This stems from the general premise that younger coevals is fascinated by visuals. Along with the analysis of store marks, linguistic communication attitude probe will hopefully supply a more valuable image of the multilingual state of affairs in Tunis.
Traditional sociolinguistics is geared towards analysing facets of address, such as pronunciation and speech pattern, in order to find how linguistic communication assortments are expressed and represented within communities. LL research ( Backhaus, 2007 ; Gorter & A ; Shohamy, 2009 ) , on the other manus, examines linguistic communication in its written signifier. Its wide aim is to find the grade of multilingualism found on street signage in a specific country. The present survey will be different than precedent sociolinguistic surveies that focus on spoken manner of a linguistic communication or a assortment at the disbursal of its written signifier. It will analyze books displayed on store marks in Tunis.
This literature reappraisal introduces the construct of lingual landscape research in relation to sociolinguistics. It examines the similarities between lingual landscape and advertisement. It besides discusses a figure of empirical surveies related to one constituent of LL: the linguistic communication of store marks. It eventually tackles linguistic communication attitudes in relation to shop marks.
2.1. Linguistic landscape and Sociolinguistic:
Sociolinguisticss is the survey of linguistic communication in relation to society ( Hudson, 1996 ) . One of the cardinal values of this field is the societal context in which linguistic communication is learnt or used. Sociolinguists study linguistic communication in relation to societal factors such as age, gender, category, societal distance, and societal position. They are besides concerned with placing the societal maps of linguistic communication and the manner they are used to convey societal significances. But, it is of import to observe that sociolinguistics focal points on address at the disbursal of written signifier of linguistic communication. The prejudice is displayed even in the definition of linguistic communication. The linguistic communication is “ what the members of a peculiar society speak ” ( Wardhaugh, 2010:1 ) .
The survey of public signage has emerged presumptively in the 1970ss. However, the term “ lingual landscape ” was introduced by Landry and Bourhis ( 1997 ) . Linguistic landscape is besides used interchangeably with the term cityscape because the mainstream of LL literature selects urban public infinite as a topographic point of probe ( Coulmas 2009: 13 ) . The LL research is chiefly descriptive: it observes and enter how linguistic communication is really used. Coulmas ( 2009:14 ) defines LL research as the survey of Hagiographas on shows in the populace sphere. The components of LL are more elaborate in the definition of Landry and Bourhis as follow: “ The linguistic communication of public route marks, advertisement hoardings, street names, topographic point names, commercial store marks, and public marks on authorities edifices combines to organize the LL of a given district, part, or urban agglomeration ” ( Landry and Bourhis 1997: 25 ; as cited in Backhaus, 2007:9 ) . Ben-Rafael et Al ( 2006 ) refute this definition as it consists of texts that are merely outside edifices. They maintain that LL does integrate marks that are inside and outside public establishments or private concerns.
Sociolinguisticss and LL research have common togss. They both seek to understand how linguistic communication is really used. They besides focus on urbanised scenes as a topographic point of analysis. They may be so combined to analyse distribution of linguistic communications and assortments in the metropolis. Language in public signage can be a fertile land for sociolinguistic probe. The survey of LL may even assist the sociolinguist to more understand the “ nexus ” between linguistic communication usage in public signage and other societal properties like individuality.
2.2. Shop marks versus advertisement
A successful ad is expected to carry through five maps: “ pulling attending, commanding involvement, making desire, and arousing action ” ( Vestergaard & A ; Schroder 1985:1, as cited in Sandhya, 2000 ) . Likewise, a concern name is ‘good ‘ if it succeeds to catch the oculus of the reader, stimulates his or her desire to purchase goods from the store. It is non a random usage of words and looks, but instead an art that aims to catch the reader ‘s oculus. Shop proprietors are surely cognizant that linguistic communication has a powerful influence over people and their behaviour. They try to be selective when calling their stores. They tend to utilize attention-getting phrases and word-triggers. Economy of words is besides to be taken into consideration. Business naming is like usual ads, in that the linguistic communication in usage may non be right. Business names are so a signifier of show advertisement. But, this type of ads has certain specificity. It does non “ follow any normative or normative attack to linguistic communication usage ” ( Bhatia, 1987:35, as cited in Thonus: 1991 ) .
2.3. Anglicisation of store marks:
With the turning involvement in the construct of signage in public sphere, there have appeared a figure of interesting articles in assorted diaries, particularly in English Today. Most of them focus on English spread in environment infinite in general and on store marks in peculiar. This spread is evidently due to the political and scientific power of United States ( Thonus, 1991 ) . The entreaty of Anglo-American civilizations, lifestyle and values has farther boosted the position of English linguistic communication worldwide ( McArthur, 2000 ) .
In Portugal, store marks are chiefly monolingual ; largely are in Portuguese and the larger balance is in English ( 10 % ) ( Stewart and Fawcett, 2004: 57 ) . Two dramatic characteristics are depicted in the aforesaid survey. First, the six investigated metropoliss are near to Spain, but Spanish words were ne’er seen on any store mark. Second, approximately two-thirds of English store marks displayed Snack saloon. This shows the deficiency of creativeness. The writers found that even halt marks for the control of traffic in Portugal and those in United States are the same. This ascertains the widespread of English linguistic communication non merely in Portuguese store marks, but in the overall Lusitanian landscape.
Even Post-Soviet provinces, like Uzbekistan, no longer view English linguistic communication as ‘the linguistic communication of Western imperialism ‘ but a linguistic communication of ‘modernity and elitism ‘ ( Hasanova, 2010:1 ) . Hasanova ( 2010 ) examined 97 store marks scattered in five territories in Bukhara, Uzbekistan. The figure of store marks in English ( 55.6 % ) is more of import than those in native linguistic communications: Uzbek ( 17.5 % ) and Russian ( 24.7 % ) . One may happen that this is unusual in so far as English in non even a 2nd linguistic communication in the state. Harmonizing to the writer, English linguistic communication is copiously used in store marks because it is the most widely learned foreign linguistic communication in Uzbekistan. It is worthy to advert that English linguistic communication look non merely on marks of shops but besides in forepart of bazar covered stables. The high quality of English linguistic communication is displayed in footings of frequence and visual aspect. This is manifested in non-English Hagiographas that appear in little books across the sunshades and pavilions of the investigated stores. Besides, most English names were written in Roman letters and non transliterated in Uzbek or Russian. Hasanova ( 2010 ) found out that the pick of linguistic communication used in calling depends on the shop type. Shops that fundamentally sell electronics and computing machines were named in English linguistic communication. Surprisingly plenty, none of them was named in Uzbek. On marks of Internet cafes, the dominant linguistic communication was English ( 62.5 % ) , followed by Russian, than Uzbek ( 12.5 % ) . Most English names were either compound nouns or meaningful words. On the other manus, Uzbek names either were proper names or merely indicated the type of the store.
Dimova ( 2007 ) examined the usage of English linguistic communication in a larger sample: 346 store marks in Veles, Macedonia. It is worthy to advert that the informations principal include trade name names and window mottos. The consequences of her probe showed that English is the most dominant foreign linguistic communication in store marks ( 36.9 % ) . Harmonizing to Schlick ( 2003 ) , utilizing English in concern names is a inclination to Occidentalize Veles and other metropoliss, like Ljubljana and Kranjarea, after the decomposition of the former Yugoslavia. This can be evidenced by the extended presence of Western consumerism marked by the of import presence of American trade name names such as Coca Cola. The survey besides showed that bilingual English store marks are more common than unilingual 1s. Unusually, none of the investigated store marks feature words from English and other foreign linguistic communication like Spanish or Italian. Dimova noted six forms of usage among English- Macedonian bilingual store marks in the sample. One of these forms is juxtaposing Macedonian names with trade name names. Dimova focused on the subdivisions of concern marks that were in English linguistic communication. But, her survey did non demo how these English texts appear. It did non bespeak whether Macedonian words are spelled in original, i.e. Roman Latin, or Cyrillic. Like the survey of Hasanova ( 2010 ) , it proved that Anglicization of store marks depends on the type of concern. English words and looks appear in all marks of Internet cafes. They are likely present in all marks of manner and amusement concerns. Hasanova ( 2010 ) besides noted wrong spelling of certain English words like ‘cafe ‘ which was written as “ caffee ‘ in about all marks.
McGregor ( 2003 ) examined 120 store marks in cardinal Tokyo. The findings of her research show that store marks appear chiefly in Japanese ( 43.3 % ) so in English. One-fourths of the investigated stores, particularly adult females ‘s vesture shops and hair salons, are named in merely English linguistic communication. This echoes the common belief that western Fashion is superior to Nipponese one. English words are believed to decorate goods, viz. dressing. They function as ‘status-enhancing embroidery ‘ ( McGregor, 2003: 21 ) . Creativity is manifested in English-looking marks, called besides ‘made-in-Japan ‘ English marks. McGregor explains that those marks comprise loanwords from English linguistic communication but with new significances. Sometimes those words are meaningless. What is of import is their ‘visual appeal ‘ ( McGregor, 2003: 21 ) .
Thonus ( 1991 ) collected her concern signage informations from Yellow Pages telephone directories of seven Brazilian metropoliss. She confined her probe to the usage of English in relation with Portuguese. The consequences show that merely 10 % of the investigated store marks contain English footings. Hybridized concern names are the most permeant ( 56 % ) . In these names, the generic component appears in Portuguese ; and the specific component in English. Thonus noted that the spelling of 9 % of the investigated English naming in Porto Alegre is aberrant in a manner that it looks more Lusitanian, for illustration ‘My-Deia ‘ alternatively of ‘my beloved ‘ ( Thonus, 1991:72 ) . There are instances that display the incorrect usage of the possessive such as Silvascar ( Thonus, 1991:72 ) . Kashru ( 1992 ) distinguishes between a ‘mistake ‘ and a ‘deviation ‘ which is the ‘result of the new “ un-English ” lingual and cultural scene in which English linguistic communication is used ‘ ( Kachru, 1992:62 ) . He explains that ‘The reincarnations were basically caused by the new bilingual ( or multilingual ) scenes and by the new contexts in which English had to map ‘ ( Kachru, 1992:6 ) . But, among divergence ‘s feature is being ‘systematic ‘ and non ‘idiosyncratic ‘ ( Kachru, 1992:62 ) . Harmonizing to Thonus, this deliberate spelling deviancy is merely perceived as an eye-catching device. Fused compounds and doublets consist of approximately 6 % of the sample. They are “ mechanisms used in modernisation ” ( D’souza, 1987:64, cited in Thonus, 1991 ) . She noted confusion about word-order limitations non merely in English but besides in their ain linguistic communication. For case, a hotel is named ‘Hotel Center Park ‘ alternatively of ‘Center Park Hotel ‘ ( Thonus, 1991:73 ) . It is non clear whether the name-givers are trying to follow English terminology consciously, or simply to copy English sounding words like the instance in Japan. However, what is clear is that English footings in a concern mark serve as a modern ring to the offered merchandises in order to affect the passerby. Harmonizing to Thonus, English is used on store marks to affect the Brazilian “ everyperson ” non the tourer ( Thonus, 1991: 68 ) .
In the chief, the aforesaid surveies examined linguistic communications displayed on store marks and their comparative weight. English names are used in item of modernness and manner ( Dimova, 2007 ; Hasanova, 2010 ) . They may be inexplicable for some people, but attractive for the full population ( Hasanova, 2010 ) . The English linguistic communication depends on the type of the store ( Dimova, 2007 ; Hasanova, 2010 ) . But, the name itself at times has no relation with the type of concern. For illustration, “ SAPIX ” is an acronym formed from ‘Science, Art, Philosophy, Identity, plus X ” despite the fact that scientific discipline, art, and doctrine are non taught at cram schools in Japan ( McGregor, 2003: 21 ) .
2.4. Multilingualism in Shop Signs:
The LL literature sheds light on multilingual patterns in the written signifier. It reports that store marks are progressively multilingual worldwide. In urban infinite, written linguistic communication commixture is examined in footings of types and maps.
Recent surveies of store marks have documented a turning inclination to linguistic communication mix in concern naming ( Shlick, 2003 ; McArthur, 2000 ) . Apparently, one linguistic communication is presumed to be non plenty seeable without the support of a foreign linguistic communication, viz. English. Apart from visibleness, there is another map of linguistic communication support particularly when the local linguistic communication and foreign linguistic communication are used together. This combination makes it easier for the local community to understand the store name ( McGregor, 2003 ) . This account is more valid for states where the foreign linguistic communication instruction is chiefly given in interlingual rendition. McArthur explains blending linguistic communications on store marks, apart from trendiness, as an effort to resuscitate the local linguistic communication ( Schlick, 2002 ) . Multilingual marks contain ‘real or coined words ‘ from two or more linguistic communications ( Schlick, 2002:5 ) . Certain messages are ‘traditional and bland ‘ like ‘Farmacia ‘ ; while others are unusual and far-out such as ‘Restaurant lupus erythematosus bourjolais ‘ ( McArthur, 2000:35 ) . The survey McAthur ( 2000 ) focuses on the strength of ‘macaronic ‘ use in street and store marks ( McArthur, 2000:34 ) . Such energy is chiefly due to two characteristics: the ‘creativity ‘ and the ‘interplay ‘ ( McAthur, 2000:41 ) . Signs with ‘macaronic inclinations ‘ are believed to be ‘doubly eye-catching ‘ ( Schlick, 2002:5 ) . However, store marks may lose their macaronic quality when translated. Besides, if they are naturalized into a linguistic communication, they are no longer seen macaronic by native talkers ( McArthur, 2000 ) .
Addison 1710 provinces that the great art in composing ads is happening out a ‘proper method to catch the reader ‘s oculus ; without which a good thing may go through over unseen ‘ ( as cited in Bassiouney, 2009:283 ) . Alternating two or more linguistic communications on a store mark seems to be a “ proper method ” to acquire the client ‘s attending. This inclination is “ booming ” ( McArthur, 2000:43 ) . But, the grade of multilingualism differs from a metropolis to another and from a state to another. For illustration, the survey of McArthur ( 2000 ) shows that store marks in Zurich are extremely multilingual. The lingual nature of Switzerland histories for the great figure of multilingual store marks. Switzerland is known for being a multilingual state where English, French, German and Italian are in day-to-day usage. Japan, nevertheless, is different in footings of lingual ecology. It has been known as “ one of the paradigms of monolingual society ” ( Backhaus, 2007 ) . This explains the predomination of Nipponese linguistic communication in concern naming: Nipponese is the linguistic communication used in 43.3 % of unilingual concern names.
The research of McArthur ( 2000 ) is extremely original in the conceptualisation of the linguistic communication of store marks. The linguistic communication of store marks appears to be cosmopolitan, capricious, and “ translinguistic ” ( McArthur, 2000:36 ) . It is merely called “ interanto ” ( McArthur, 2000:36 ) . The opening element inter- refers to the internationalism and interplay of the linguistic communication of store marks. The postfix -anto, as in the unreal linguistic communication Esperanto, adds an alien significance to the word it is attached to. The catholicity is depicted through the usage of cardinal international words like parking, eating house, dress shop, etc. Such words are no longer perceived foreign particularly in urban environment. Whimsicality is the result of linguistic communication commixture, and peculiarly when such commixture is unpredictable. It is frequently displayed in a mark that contains words from female parent lingua and foreign linguistic communication. Such a mark would tag ‘trendiness ‘ and ‘being rooted with one ‘s dirt ‘ at the same clip ( Schlick, 2002:5 ) . A word is said to be ‘translinguistic ‘ when it has no precise canonical signifier or significance. The ‘translinguistic ‘ facet is peculiarly manifested in bilingual and trilingual European store names. ‘Biona Reformhaus ‘ , a healthy nutrient shop in Zurich, is one of the intercrossed buildings ( McArthur, 2000:35 ) . It includes Grecian ( bio- and -na ) , Gallic ( reform- ) , and German ( haus ) .
Language commixture can be at the degree of vocabulary, sentence structure or book. McArthur states that hybridisation is a phenomenon go oning ‘on top of an ancient disposition to crossbreed ‘ ( McArthur, 2000: 35 ) . Ancient hybridisation really refers to word version. Hybridization comprises all instances of cutting, tacking, aberrant spelling, and fused compounds. For illustration, ‘sole ‘ in ‘Studio Sole ‘ refers to the Gallic word ‘Soleil ‘ . The spelling is modified in order to fit the phonic reading of its Nipponese opposite numbers, ‘so-ray ‘ ( McGregor, 2003:22 ) . Besides, Language commixture can be at the word-order degree. For illustration, the “ STEAK HOUSE POLAIRE ” mark in the survey of McGregor comprises non merely a Gallic adjective: “ POLAIRE ” , but besides Gallic word-order ( McGregor, 2003:22 ) . However, it is deserving to advert that a linguist may be frequently trapped in possibilities. In the aforesaid instance, McGregor states that the context can be besides Nipponese. Transliteration is another type of linguistic communication commixture. Backhaus ( 2007 ) contends that a transliterated or translated text on a store mark is designed for people with foreign backgrounds. Transliterated store marks are considered ‘clever names ‘ in Japan as they frequently get dual significance ( McGregor, 2003:19 ) . This accounts for the important figure of transliterated Nipponese concern names to Roman letters. The name ‘manpuku ‘ , for illustration, means ‘I ‘m full ‘ and ‘happiness ‘ . Transliteration is besides depicted from Roman letters to Nipponese book. The American giant McDonald ‘s appear in Katakana. Shop proprietors in other states avoid the transliteration to the local linguistic communication book. For illustration, Uzbek store proprietors avoid the transliteration of store names to Uzbek or Russian book ( Hasanova, 2010 ) .
In drumhead, the linguistic communication of store marks is cosmopolitan, capricious, and “ translinguistic ” . Multilingualism should be approached lexically, syntactically, and in footings of orthographically. It is really interesting to analyze unusual and far-out texts.
2.5. Methodological troubles:
The probe of store marks seems easy. The bookman would saunter along two or more streets and cod names of concerns, and analyse them afterwards. But, many methodological hurdlings should be considered and cover with first.
To get down with, the unit of analysis can be a job. The definition of a store mark is controversial. Some bookmans consider window-filling mottos portion of store marks ( McArthur, 2000 ; Schlick, 2002, Dimova, 2007 ) . Others exclude the names of internationally known merchandises from the analysis of store marks such as Coca Cola, Kodak, Fujifilm, etc. ( Hasanova, 2010 ; Stewart and Fawcett, 2004 ) . However, if trade name names are eliminated from the information principal, the lingual impact of hallmarks on persons and groups would be denied. The overall apprehension of store marks would be so affected. Besides, when the term store mark varies in range from one survey to another, the comparing between those studies becomes impossible.
Besides, the taxonomy of store marks is hard. Business names do non ever fall into orderly classs because of the word formation. For case, there are true “ English loanwords ” and “ quasi-English words ” which are normally the consequence of back cutting ( Gorach, 1989:303, cited in Thonus, 1991 ) . Words refering to the 2nd type are called so as they do non conform to the English norms. Adoption and version procedure impedes an easy categorization of store marks. The term ‘glass ‘ , a store name in Sweden introduced in the study of McArthur ( 2000:38 ) , illustrates this ambiguity. One may believe that it is an English word ; while it is instead an altered signifier of Gallic glace. ‘Atelje ‘ is another ‘translinguistic ‘ word ; and it is a Swedish version of Gallic artist’s workroom ( McArthur, 2000:38 ) . The bustle in this instance is whether or non to sort the altered word if recognized in the category of root, i.e. the linguistic communication of beginning. McArthur ( 2000 ) suggests that an altered blood relation is naturalized into a different linguistic communication ; and accordingly it must non be attributed to the linguistic communication of beginning. So, ‘glass ‘ and ‘Atelje ‘ are Swedish ; they belong to German and non to Gallic linguistic communication. Besides, certain footings, such as eating house and cafe , have become international and are no longer seen foreign ( Schlick, 2002 ) . So, to impute cafe or saloon to English linguistic communication can be besides discussed as these words have the same signifier and the same pronunciation in a figure of linguistic communications ( Stewart and Fawcett, 2004 ) .
Furthermore, methodological determinations seem to to a great extent depend on the research worker ‘s position. In most LL research, the sites of probe are chosen in cardinal metropoliss because they are the busiest streets or squares harmonizing to the bookman. Dimova ( 2007 ) , for illustration, opted for a big metropolis situated in cardinal Macedonia. Others, like McArthur ( 2000 ) , chose the “ more touristed streets ” in the metropolis ( McArthur, 2000:33 ) . Besides, most surveies of store marks are based on quantitative attack. The confusing inquiry is whether the selected streets are representative of the whole metropolis. Besides, some bookmans tend to include all concerns they encounter ; while others like Dimova ( 2007 ) limit their numeration to merely one mark per concern.
In decision, the survey of texts on store marks is hard because different linguistic communications have the same signifier and pronunciation of certain words. Besides, the representativeness of investigated store marks can be questioned because the site choice and the sample size depend on the research worker ‘s position. Furthermore, the comparing between certain surveies becomes impossible because the unit of analysis differs in range from one study to another.
2.6. Language attitude:
Language attitude was introduced by the Canadian societal psychologist Wallace Lambert. It started to fascinate the sociolinguists merely in 1970s. Since so, many sociolinguists have been analyzing the linguistic communication attitude that communities portion. The mainstream of the surveies ; whereas, is geared towards attitudes towards address manners.
LL research provides an penetration into the existent usage of linguistic communications in environmental print. But, it does non bespeak how these linguistic communications are perceived by the local community. The probe of linguistic communication attitude would assist to bring forth a more complete image of multilingualism in the metropolis of Tunis. The present survey will non be confined to the mere listing and numbering of linguistic communications. The linguistic communication used on store marks is a standing point for a comprehensive apprehension of lingual state of affairs in the metropolis of Tunis. Gorter ( 2007 ) ascertains that linguistic communication used in unfastened environment affects linguistic communication perceptual experience. He maintains that LL has some bearing on people ‘s perceptual experience and attitude about linguistic communication, influences the usage of linguistic communication in society. He states that “ [ T ] he lingual landscape has an added value because of the impact it can hold on the people who see the marks ” ( Gorter, 2007:24 ) . So, the probe of linguistic communication attitude of the immature expected readers of store marks would be significantly relevant to the survey of linguistic communication pick in a multilingual society. It would find whether there is a link between lingual pick of the store proprietor and lingual penchant of immature clients in Tunis. It would besides analyze whether there is a important consequence of seeable signage in public infinite on linguistic communication beliefs among the immature readers ( Coulmas, 2009: 28 ) . In other words, it would clear up whether seeing abundant usage of foreign footings in public infinite changes the client ‘s linguistic communication attitude favourably. The visibleness of these books on store pavilions in great figure must hold some bearing on the person ‘s linguistic communication attitude. This stems from the belief that ‘Language has a powerful influence over people and their behaviour. In a nutshell, the probe of linguistic communication attitude would foremost give a more comprehensive penetration into the multilingual state of affairs within the district of Tunis.
Baker ( 1992 ) states that attitude can be either instrumental or integrative or both. An instrumental linguistic communication attitude is characterized by a desire to get or larn a peculiar linguistic communication in order to carry through material demands. An integrative attitude, on the other manus, reflects a desire to be identified as a member of the civilization and community related to the linguistic communication. Harmonizing to Baker ( 1992 ) , the linguistic communication attitude is a concept of three constituents: “ knowledge ” , feelings and “ preparedness for action ” ( Baker, 1992: 13 ) . The cognitive constituent is made up of the beliefs and sentiments about an object. The 2nd constituent clearly refers to the emotions that the single feels about that object. The behavioural constituent refers to one ‘s actions or behavioural purposes towards the object. Questionnaires are by and large used to research one of the intricate and absorbing ways in which linguistic communication can act upon the person ‘s mundane ideas, feelings and behaviour. This is illustrated in the statement of Al-Saidat & A ; Emad ( 2009 ) : “ An attitude is single, but it has origins in corporate behavior ” . In the present survey, it is hypothesized that the visibleness of English linguistic communication in streets develops positive attitudes towards English. When linguistic communication becomes portion of the person ‘s experience, one would encompass it to his/her lingual repertory.
In decision, single linguistic communication attitude is a psychological concept that affects the world of linguistic communication for the whole society. Its probe would assist to understand the linguistic communication growing, Restoration or devastation.
3.1. Research inquiries:
Q1: What is the lingual categorization of store marks in Tunis?
Q2: Are unilingual marks more permeant than multilingual 1s?
Q3: What is the most outstanding linguistic communication of shop marks in Tunis?
Q4: Is English the most attractive linguistic communication in Tunisian store marks?
3.2. Research hypotheses:
H1: Shop marks in metropolis centre of Tunis can be divided into unilingual, bilingual and multilingual marks.
H2: Shop proprietors prefer to blend two or more linguistic communications than to utilize a individual linguistic communication.
H3: Gallic is the most frequent linguistic communication, so English, so Tunisian Arabic in concern naming.
H4: English is the most attractive linguistic communication in Tunisian store marks.
Linguistic informations: will be captured by a digital camera from two cardinal shopping streets in Tunis City: Habib Bourguiba Avenue and Paris Street. More than three shopping centres happen to be situated in the study country. Consequently, the present survey will roll up a big electronic principal of signs.A All marks of private concerns will be analyzed except those that display trade name names. The categorization will be harmonizing to the linguistic communication used and the dominant linguistic communication in each mark.
Attitudinal informations: will be collected from Tunisian sources through a questionnaire designed to look into their attitudes towards the linguistic communications seen on store marks: Tunisian Arabic, French and English. The probe of linguistic communication attitude can be at all the lingual degrees: speech pattern, grammar, pronunciation, spelling, etc ( Garrett: 2010 ) . The present survey will undertake how people perceive linguistic communications used on store marks in footings of words and spelling. The research instrument is a questionnaire.
The sample: will dwell of students and pupils selected in the study country. This survey is interested in the linguistic communication perceptual experience of young person. So, the age of the respondents will run from 15 to 25 old ages old. The choice will be based on convenience sampling.
The questionnaire: comprises two parts. The first subdivision consists of 10 points that examine how immature people perceive the linguistic communications used on store marks in general. The measuring is five-point Likert Scale. The 2nd portion consists of multiple pick inquiries. The picks are existent store names that are seen in the study country. This subdivision is an rating of the responses given in the first portion of the questionnaire. It examines how the sources perceive words from Tunisian Arabic, French and English in footings of likes and disfavors.
Name: aˆ¦ … … … … … … … .
Age: aˆ¦ … … … … … … … ..
Known linguistic communications: Gallic English Spanish German Italian
Put a cross ( x ) in one of the five instances:
Note: SA = strongly agree ; A = agree ; N = impersonal ; D =disagree ; SD = strongly
The linguistic communications of store marks reflect the lingual repertory of Tunisian society.
The lingual penchants of Tunisians are echoed by the linguistic communications seen on store marks.
English is non widely used on store marks.
Gallic is more used than Tunisian Arabic linguistic communication on store marks.
I like to see merely Tunisian Arabic linguistic communication on store marks.
I prefer shop names that are in Gallic and Tunisian Arabic more than those in English and Tunisian Arabic.
I prefer unilingual store marks than multilingual 1s.
There is no demand for Arabic interlingual rendition of Gallic texts that are on store marks.
I do non like transliteration of French or English texts seen on store marks into Arabic book.
I like Roman transliteration of Tunisian Arabic texts that are displayed on store names.
Which is the most attractive name? Circle your pick:
Type of concern
2 Coffee Lounge
The Seventh Sky
These are farther names of vesture shops for work forces and adult females. Which one of these names do you prefer? Circle your pick:
Boutiques for work forces:
Jazz adult male – Brighton – Figaro – Ragel ‘s – Giloberty – Fabiani.
Boutiques for adult females:
New manner – Reference – Paris 54 – Mon reve – City bags – Romancia.
Put a cross ( X ) in forepart of the name that you like the most:
Tunisiana Tunisiana shop
Tunisie Telecom TT TT phone
Time to Change Precision Horlogerie
The Room bite
BROADWAY RED LIGHT Salon de The
The metropolis coffe hall
These are existent names of vesture shops. Do you like these names? If your reply is ‘no ‘ , please explicate the ground:
FAT Yes No
Folli Follie Yes No
Mad Men Yes No
Ratel Yes No
Clochard Yes No
Which one of these two names do you prefer?
i??i»-i??i??i»- i??i»Yi»?i»?i»¤i??i»¦ – 1 Coquelicot
i??i»-i??i??i»- i??i»Yi»?i»?i»¤i??i»¦ – 2 Poppy
These are names of store marks that are situated in Tunis.
a ) Write the original spelling of these transliterated words and the corresponding linguistic communication:
e.g. : i??i?’i»®i?®i?• i??i»?i??i»?a†’ City Sport ( English )
i»?i??i?®i»± i?’i»i??i»?i??i»® -1 a†’ ( … … … … … … ) … … … … … … … …
i»®i??i»¦ i»®i??i»± -2 a†’ ( … … … … … … ) … … … … … … … …
i»Yi»?i»i»?i??i?• -3 a†’ ( … … … … … … ) … … … … … … … …
i?©i??i??i»?i»i»?i?• -4 a†’ ( … … … … … … . ) … … … … … … … …
i»¤i»¦ i?®i??i« -5 a†’ ( … … … … … .. ) … … … … … … … …
i?‡i»›i?°i»›i?- -6 a†’ ( … … … … … .. ) … … … … … … … …
B ) Write the names that you like whether they are transliterated or non: